Category: Meeting

  • A Second First Tuesday: March 4, 2025

    Institutions Aren’t Enough: Troglodytes and the Role of Virtue in a Democracy

    The brutal assault on our democracy by Trump, Musk, and their confederates has made it clear that institutions aren’t enough. A democracy needs people who speak up, speak out, and do the right thing. Where do those people come from?

    The text to read for our next meeting on March 4 is a few pages from Montesquieu’s novel, Persian Letters. The letters we’ll read are allegorical: while they tell the story of the Troglodytes, a mythical people, they tackle the problems of virtue, society and law.

    Why Montesquieu?

    Charles de Secondat, Baron de Montesquieu was a towering figure of the French Enlightenment. A lawyer, scholar, and traveler, he was the author of one of the books most read and debated by American political thinkers in the tumult of the founding of the American republic. That book, The Spirit of the Laws, published in 1748, was credited with giving the founders of the American republic some of their most important insights about the nature of power and government.

    Opponents and proponents of the Constitution alike cited Montesquieu approvingly. James Madison, in Federalist LXVII, famously wrote,

    The oracle who is always consulted and cited on this subject is the celebrated Montesquieu. If he be not the author of this invaluable precept in the science of politics, he has the merit at least of displaying and recommending it most effectually to the attention of mankind.

    In our time, we all see the relentless and ruthless war on the separation of powers waged by a man who would be king. It’s important to remind ourselves of the importance of the legislative power and the indispensable role of a free judiciary.

    Persian Letters

    But Montesquieu was about more than the physics of government. He was interested in the world around him; he was curious about the origins of virtue—and the roots of vice. And he explored those questions in Persian Letters, one of the great novels of the early 18th century, published (anonymously) in 1723. This was an epistolary novel—that is to say, it was a series of letters (roughly 150) purportedly written by two Persians, Usbek and Rica, who leave their home of Isfahan in Persia to visit France. (We learn very early on in the novel that Usbek is forced to flee Persia because of palace intrigue.) Ribald, caustic, funny, erotic, and profound, the book was a smashing success.

    The Troglodytes letters are in the form of an allegory; you don’t need much background to make sense of them. Letter 10 sets them up: Usbek’s friend Mirza want to know about virtue:

    Yesterday the subject under discussion was whether men
    are made happy by pleasure, and the satisfaction of the senses, or by
    the practice of virtue. I have often heard you say that men were born
    to be virtuous, and that justice is a quality which is as proper to them
    as existence. Please explain to me what you mean.
    I have asked our mullahs about it, but they drive me to desperation
    with their quotations from the Koran: for I am not consulting them
    as a true believer, but as a man, as a citizen, and as a father.1

    There’s lots to glean from Usbek’s response, lots to think about—and, I believe, lots to learn about what we need to do to give new life to our civic virtue. Please read them carefully—and enjoy them!

    Discussion Questions about the Letters

    • What is the nature of (political) virtue?
    • Where does political virtue come from? (Are people born good?)
    • Is corruption a source of power?
    • How should we think about the rule of law?
    • How should we think about the relationship between religion and society?
    • Is altruism for suckers?

    From Ideas to Actions

    A note: Montesquieu wasn’t sitting in an ivory tower, musing about airy-fairy abstract notions. He was engaged in the politics of his region (Bordeaux) and the political life of his country (France). He travelled. He talked. He wrote. And he changed minds.

    The challenge for our discussion: how to turn what we talk about into action.

    1. Montesquieu, Persian Letters (Harmondsworth, UK: Penguin Books, 1993), 53. ↩︎
  • Against the Rhetoric of Rage: Speeches of Hope

    We have all had our fill of rage in the speeches and messages vomited forth by this regime. Last Tuesday’s State of the Union was an abomination. What it lacked in elegance it sought to make up in length; what it lacked in aspiration it sought to make up in vitriol.

    Though we’ve become inured to the poverty of thought and the slackness of expression from this gibbering sack of petty grievances, spite, and hatred, we must remember that Americans are capable of greater things—and greater rhetoric.

    At its best, political rhetoric reminds us of the grandeur of our ambitions, the humanity we share, and the collective effort we must undertake. There are countless examples to choose from, but this week I propose four classic expressions of American hope: Martin Luther King Jr.’s “I Have a Dream” speech; George Washington’s “Farewell Address”; Franklin Delano Roosevelt’s “First Inaugural Address” (“We have nothing to fear but fear itself”); and Dwight D. Eisenhower’s 1961 “Farewell Address” (the “Military-Industrial Complex” speech).

    Please read at least a couple of these carefully. Consider what these speakers believed about human nature—and what they hoped America and Americans could become. And this time, bring a specific passage or two that you find especially powerful, whether for its political insight, its rhetorical craft, or simply the way it makes you feel about the country and its possibilities.

    Let’s talk together about our aspirations for one another and for the United States.

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    Eisenhower, Dwight D. “President Dwight D. Eisenhower’s Farewell Address.” Speech, January 17, 1961. https://catalog.archives.gov/id/594599. Download Download
    King, Jr., Martin Luther. “I Have a Dream.” American Rhetoric: Top 100 Speeches. Washington, D.C.: American Rhetoric, August 28, 1963. https://www.americanrhetoric.com/speeches/mlkihaveadream.htm.
    Roosevelt, Franklin Delano. “Inaugural Address.” The American Presidency Project. 1933. Santa Barbara, CA: UC Santa Barbara. Accessed February 28, 2026. https://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/documents/inaugural-address-8.
    Washington, George. “Washington’s Farewell Address.” Senate Historical Office Edition. 1796. Reprint, Washington, D.C.: United States Senate, 2000. https://www.senate.gov/artandhistory/history/resources/pdf/Washingtons_Farewell_Address.pdf. Download
  • First Meeting: Tuesday, February 4, 2025

    Our first meeting will be held in Minneapolis on Tuesday, February 4, 2025, at 7 pm. (Sign up on the Contact list if you’re interested in coming and need the location.)

    We’ll be getting organized, talking about democracy and what it means, and thinking about practical steps to re-energize our community’s democratic spirit.

    There are three recommended readings for this initial meeting. None is required, but they’re all worthwhile. If you’re pressed for time, read the “Gettysburg Address” — and pay particular attention to the closing line.

    Suggested reading

    Susan B. Anthony, “Is it a crime for a U.S. citizen to vote?” (NOTE: The link published originally was wrong — this is the correct one!)

    Susan B. Anthony was arrested in 1872, in Rochester, New York, because she had voted in local elections in defiance of a law that restricted voting to “males.” It’s longer than the other suggested readings, but it rewards the effort of a close reading.

    Abraham Lincoln, “Gettysburg Address

    One of the most famous — and, at 267 words, one of the briefest — speeches in American political oratory. Lincoln gave it on November 19, 1863, at the height of the Civil War.

    Pericles, “Funeral Oration

    This was a speech given by (or attributed to) Pericles near the beginning of the Peloponnesian War between Athens and Sparta (and their many allies) from 404 BC and 431 BC. It’s often considered a classic exposition of the value of democracy.

  • Irresistible Fools

    Our next meeting is on April 1st. Really.

    In our first two meetings, we talked about the meaning of democracy and the nature of civic virtue. The theme this time will be resistance.

    Since we last met, the pace of the regime’s descent into authoritarianism has accelerated. We have seen this regime and its henchmen :

    • deport people it accuses of being “gang members” to El Salvador
    • defy federal court injunctions
    • arrest green card holders
    • detain, abuse and deport visitors to the United States
    • continue to escalate tensions with our closest international allies
    • use the White House as the setting for an ambush of the president of Ukraine
    • snuggle up to Putin
    • cut off weapons deliveries and and intelligence sharing to Ukraine
    • attempt to dismantle the Department of Education
    • silence the Voice of America
    • squelch dissenting voices on university campuses by extorting cooperation from pliant university administrators
    • bully law firms that represent(ed) people the regime does not like
    • impose a de facto “whites only” and “men only” policy in the celebration of American heroes
    • violate federal law by sharing classified documents about military actions on Signal

    And that, of course, is not even close to an exhaustive list—but it gives us an idea of why we feel so exhausted.

    We can group these into a few categories. This isn’t complete; it’s something we should think more about, but this is a start:

    • Attacks on people who oppose the regime
    • Attacks on people whom the regime despises
    • Attempts to eliminate institutional resistance
    • Substituting parastatal organizations (DOGE, MAGA) for the legally constituted institutions of the state
    • Attacks on the legal system in order to make it impossible to hold the regime accountable

    For the next meeting, I propose that we think about what effective resistance actually looks like. That means thinking about a number of different aspects of resistance; I propose that we decide at the beginning of our gather what we focus on. Here are some questions we might consider.

    • Who is most at risk?
    • How do we help people who are most in danger and most in need of support—those who have been directly targeted by the regime ((immigrants, people of color, women, LGBTQ+ people, people who stood up for the rule of law)?
    • How do we assess the risks of resistance—for ourselves and for others?
    • How do we make certain that people opposed to the regime can continue to communicate safely and openly?
    • How do we mitigate the risks of resistance?
    • How do we help institutions do better?
    • How do we help people understand the gravity of our situation?
    • How do we help people in government fulfill their obligations to protect the rights of all people?
    • How do we build for a better future?

    That’s a lot.

    This may all seem overwhelming, but there are many examples of resistance movements, some of which won outright: the anti-slavery movement in the United States, notably African-American resistance; desecration in post-war America; anti-colonial movements, especially in India; Yugoslav resistance to Nazi occupation; and French resistance during the Occupation.

    Despite the enormous range of things that we might look at, I’m recommending only one article, a short piece that’s freely available:

    Blumenson, Martin. “The Early French Resistance in Paris.” Naval War College Review 30, no. 1, Special Issue (1977): 64–72. https://www.jstor.org/stable/44641789

    I pick this not because France is a paradigm for successful resistance, but because it’s pretty digestible, it discusses the early stages of resistance in France, and, well, because it’s open access and thus readily available to anyone.

    Please get in touch if you need more information about the meeting. It’s at 7 pm, April 1, at the usual place. Please send an email to admin@firsttuesdayalliance.org if you need further information.

  • May Days

    Our last meeting, on April 1, seems like it was years ago.

    That day, we had glimmers of hope: Cory Booker was wrapping up his speech on the floor of the Senate, making the case, a plea, for a “moral moment,” even as we began our discussion of resistance.

    A little closer to home, the last voters were casting their ballots in the most expensive judicial race in Wisconsin history—one marked by the extraordinary intervention of Elon Musk, who spent $20 million dollars to try to swing the election, not only by running a round-the-clock ad campaign, but also actually (and manifestly illegally) paying two voters a million dollars apiece in an attempt to pump up Republican turnout. Musk’s millions fared no better than a Cybertruck at the beach: Susan M. Crawford, the Democratic-backed candidate for the state Supreme Court, trounced the hard-right candidate, Brad Schimmel.

    Though some of us were distracted by Booker’s oratory and the results that began to trickle in from Wisconsin, we tackled the question of resistance, and what it takes to get people to resist. We had read a short piece about resistance in wartime France, Martin Blumenson’s “The Early French Resistance in Paris“; part of the point of reading the piece was for us to think about the array of sometimes serious, sometimes banal issues that motivate people to resist; part of the point was how the resistance was in part fueled by the loutish, clueless insensitivity of the German occupiers:

    If some people drifted into the work that as yet had no name, others were driven to it by what the Germans did. There was no dramatic event, no symbolic incident, but instead a series of minor irritations that gradually rubbed the French the wrong way (Blumenson, “Early Resistance”, 66).

    Donald Trump and his cronies seem hellbent on emulating the German occupiers in this, as in many other regards. Insults to the dignity of the American people are a daily occurrence; worse, the cavalcade of assaults on the things that have actually made America great continue.

    “Liberation Day”

    On April 2, a day he bizarrely called “Liberation Day,” Donald Trump slapped tariffs on everyone and everything and everyplace, including, infamously, the Heard and McDonald Islands, home to a few penguins and zero people, and the British Indian Ocean Territory, which is best known as the home of a joint U.S./U.K. military base on the island of Diego Garcia. Stock markets reacted badly, not from sympathy to our flightless avian friends or our military personnel in the Indian Ocean, but to the specter of an all-out trade war with our biggest partners. Things weren’t helped by the incoherence of Trump’s tariffs nor by the idiocy of the justifications for these tariffs.

    It took James Surowiecki, a financial journalist, less than no time to figure out how the tariffs had been calculated—and to post his analysis on X:

    Just figured out where these fake tariff rates come from. They didn’t actually calculate tariff rates + non-tariff barriers, as they say they did. Instead, for every country, they just took our trade deficit with that country and divided it by the country’s exports to us. So we have a $17.9 billion trade deficit with Indonesia. Its exports to us are $28 billion. $17.9/$28 = 64%, which Trump claims is the tariff rate Indonesia charges us. What extraordinary nonsense this is.

    It’s not always clear what will make some of our fellow Americans react to the havoc that Trump has inflicted on our country. But our erstwhile trading partners elsewhere struck back. Stock markets, predictably, plunged. If the abstract notion of a tariff had apparently left many Americans indifferent, the dawning realization that just about every business in America has a stake in international trade, and that every mom-and-pop operation that sells just about anything depends on at least one Chinese supplier began to cause some serious grumbling, and persuaded a scattering of Republicans to call for limits on presidential tariff authority.

    I won’t go on to recap everything that’s happened; I’ve reached April 2, and I’ve already spent more words than I ought to have. What I do want to say, though, is that while there have been horror stories since our last meeting (the economy, the arbitrary arrest of green card holders, the forced exile of people deprived of due process, the arrest of a judge, attempts to squelch dissent within the federal government, Signalgate and its offspring, and so on), there are also signs that the minor and major irritations caused by the regime’s brutish actions are destroying the regime’s credibility. One sign was the massive turnout for protests on April 5 (some photos here; another sign is the shift in public opinion measured by national polls.

    Trump’s approval ratings have crashed.

    As CNN put it, “Trump’s 41% approval rating is the lowest for any newly elected president at 100 days dating back at least to Dwight Eisenhower – including Trump’s own first term.” And it’s not just CNN’s polling; every major poll shows a dramatic decline for Trump.

    PollDatesApproveDisapproveMargin of Error
    NPR/PBS News/Marist CollegeApril 21-2342%53%+/-3.3% pts.
    CNN April 17-2441%59%+/-2.9% pts.
    NBC News/SurveyMonkey April 11-2045%55%+/-2.2% pts.
    CBS News/YouGov April 23-2545%55%+/-2.4% pts.
    ABC News/Washington Post/Ipsos April 18-2239%55%+/-2% pts.
    AP-NORC April 17-2139%59%+/-3.9% pts.
    NYT/Siena College April 21-2442%54%+/-3.8% pts.
    Fox News April 18-2144%55%+/-3% pts.
    https://www.cnn.com/polling/approval/trump-polls (Accessed Tuesday, April 29, 2025)

    One of the most striking aspects of these polls is people who agree with Trump on some issues reject his regime’s methods. (The NYT/Siena Poll is particularly revealing on this. Take one example: 54% of people broadly agree with Trump’s anti-immigrant position; 52% also disapprove of the Kilmar Abrego Garcia expulsion to a Salvadorean prison.)

    So what’s going on? One guess is that lots of people still do believe in basic rights and do not believe that “anything goes” to reach policy objectives. In other words, many (even most) people still have values.

    It’s not just the polls

    This isn’t just happening with public opinion, either. The record of resistance so far has been mixed and often disappointing (thanks, Columbia University!), but we’re beginning to see serious pushback from some universities (I never thought I would cheer for Harvard, but here we are), some law firms, many federal judges, and even small businesses. People are taking risks to defend what they think is right or to stave off what they think is wrong.

    Understanding why people do and don’t take risks

    In our previous discussions, we’ve tried to think about what democracy itself is (Abraham Lincoln, Susan B. Anthony, Pericles); why civic virtue matters (Montesquieu’s “Troglodyte Letters”); and the nature of (and slowness) of resistance (Blumenson).

    For this meeting, the readings focus on responses (good and bad) to Trump. These include:

    The nature of civic virtue

    These responses—both courageous and cowardly—reveal something essential about resistance and civic virtue. We see a stark contrast between those who stood firm (Harvard, the federal judges, state attorneys general) and those who folded under pressure (Columbia, Paul Weiss). Neither group forms a monolithic bloc ideologically. Those who resist often disagree on policy, politics, and priorities. What unites them isn’t partisan alignment but commitment to fundamental values—due process, academic freedom, the rule of law, integrity of institutions. Similarly, those who capitulate don’t necessarily share politics but often share justifications: pragmatism, institutional survival, or claims of neutrality.

    As we examine these readings, let’s consider these questions:

    • What makes some institutions hold firm while others capitulate?
    • What rationalizations enable people to abandon their proclaimed values when tested?
    • How can we recognize, resist, and debunk these justifications for inaction?
    • How do we nurture civic virtue in a polarized society?
  • Notes on our first meeting

    About a dozen people joined us in Minneapolis on February 4. We had a spirited conversation — what does it mean to have a government of the people, by the people, and for the people? — discovered new allies, and took hope in our engagement. We were a diverse lot: people with lots of experience in politics; others with none. People with lots of experience with civil society; others with none.

    We’ll keep our conversation going; conversations like this help give us the courage to speak out and act. But we’re also working on sharing information about concrete things that people can do to help keep the flame of democracy lit. Soon, on this site, you’ll be able to find a searchable directory of resources, actions, and organizations that can help — and if you register, you’ll be able to contribute to that list. We’ll have an online forum to keep our conversations going, to share information about steps to take and to give people a space that isn’t run by people whose only interest is monetizing our conversations.

    If you’re interested in helping this effort, get in touch — you can fill out a contact form or simply send an email to admin@firsttuesdayalliance.org. We’ll get back to you quickly.

  • Notes on the March 4 Minneapolis meeting

    We had a good turnout at our Minneapolis meeting on March 4—a convivial group of newcomers and old hands—despite a winter storm that was beginning to rage.

    The topic our conversation was civic virtue. There was a broad consensus that we’re going through a period where people with power—and many who people who have very little power—feel unconstrained by ethics or concern for others.

    One of the challenges we face is rebuilding a sense of community and a sense of responsibility for the well-being of others. Simply meeting with new people who share an interest in building a community is a step , but we need much more. Many of the people who attended are already doing things, but finding out what to do, when to do it, where to do it all seem daunting.

    It’s important to recognize that rebuilding a community is hard—and it’s even harder when people are isolated. So talking to friends, neighbors, and even complete strangers can help. One of the people attending mentioned that she has made it a project to talk to people at the YWCA when she goes for her workouts, to let people know what role federal funds play in the work that organizations like the Y do.

    Another way to reach out is to share what we know and what we believe with others. Another small step is to engage with people in the state by writing letters to the editor. To that end, there’s a list of newspapers on the site now with contact information. You can retrieve all the daily papers simply by clicking a button—and begin writing.

    Some updates to the site: there’s the list of newspapers; there’s a new “group” feature that allows registered members to join a conversation; and the site should be a little cleaner. In the next few days, there will be a small documents / tools library that will include things like the readings we’ve done, templates for letters to the editor, and other useful things.

  • Pubs, cafés, and the far right

    Pubs, cafés, and the far right

    We’ve all been struggling with a basic question: how do we explain the rise of the extremist right? Many of the answers we’ve come up with are deeply unsatisfying: incomplete, simplistic, or just not consistent with evidence.

    But there’s some interesting work on the decline of what we might call pluralistic sociability: face-to-face contact with people. I’m spurred to think about this because I heard coverage of research by Hugo Subtil, a postdoctoral researcher in the Department of Political Science at the University of Zurich.

    Subtil has been doing some fascinating work on the decline of the French café—the “bar/tabac.” (France24 has a brief discussion here; the full article—in French—is in the reading list below.) What he has sought to do is to make connections between the decline of these semi-public spaces and the rise of the extreme right in France. He writes,

    Local democracy builds itself in the spaces where citizens encounter each other and form opinions on concrete interactions. [Translation mine].

    By eliminating a place where people meet each other face to face, the decline of the café has eroded the social fabric, and the resulting isolation, alienation, and anomie lead seemingly inexorably to the far right.

    That is a dreary lesson—but Subtil ends on a much more optimistic note.

    The results… offer a glimmer of hope: public action can reverse this trend. Targeted interventions aimed at preserving or rebuilding local social infrastructure can help reduce support for the far right. The erosion of social cohesion is not inevitable.

    So this month, as the public gathering of Minnesotans to resist the alienation imposed on this region by the federal government continues, I’d like to focus our attention on how meeting with strangers—in pubs, cafés, reading groups, churches—can help renew our sense of decency and kindness.

    I’ve included a few readings: two research pieces, by Subtil and Diane Bolet, that focus on the decline of public spaces (cafés and pubs); a couple of newspaper accounts of those pieces; and a piece from the Financial Times that takes a look at the political philosopher Michael Sandel and his his focus on community.

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